Sustainability and the Environment, urban design, Inclusion, The Compact City, Technology, Regional Perspectives, transport

Built Environment at Fifty: Perspectives, Landmarks, and Prospects

About this issue

Issue number
Volume 50 – Number 4

Summary

Built Environment is celebrating its Golden Anniversary in 2024, and to mark this occasion a special double issue of the journal is being published to reflect on the changes that have taken place. The editors have identified some of the key papers published over the decades which are reprinted here, together with a commentary on whether they have stood the test of time and their relevance today. Making the selection has not been easy – we could have chosen a very different set of papers.

This introduction is in three parts. First, we trace the history of the journal, from its genesis in the 1970s as a journal targeted at local practitioners working in the UK, to its current much wider brief. Today, with international contributions and audience of academics, policy makers, practitioners and consultants, each issue is devoted to a single theme and edited by an expert in that subject. We then discuss our understanding of the term ‘built environment’ and some of the themes that have emerged from that interpretation. To demonstrate the interdisciplinary nature of the journal and the move, over time, to an approach embracing social and environmental concerns and those of inclusion and equality, we have reproduced, with commentaries, papers devoted to seven themes which reflect the essence of the journal. Finally, we put on our ‘thinking hats’ to give a perspective on the future. It has been both fun and instructive putting this issue together as it has meant that we have had to delve into the past, think about the changing position of the journal, make difficult choices on the papers selected, and reflect on the contribution of Built Environment to urban planning.

History

As stated on the Wikipedia, Built Environment is a peer-reviewed academic journal focused on urban planning and related fields. It began in 1956 as Official Architecture and Planning and was published under that name until 1972. Between 1975 and 1978 it was known as Built Environment Quarterly and was then edited by David Pearce, conservation activist and one time Secretary of Secretary of the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings. Topics discussed in the journal include: ‘architecture, conservation, economic development, environmental planning, health, housing, regeneration, social issues, spatial planning, sustainability, urban design, and transport’.

As might be expected, the birth of the journal was not straightforward. It emerged from Official Architecture and Planning in 1972, when it was rebranded Built Environment and published monthly starting in April of that year with about seventy pages in each issue. The authors of the short papers read like a ‘who’s who’ of urban planning in the UK. This short-lived period ended in March 1975 (Volume 4) with the formation of the Society for the Built Environment, based at the Royal Institute of British Architects, ‘bringing together of the various environmental design professions’.

Built Environment Quarterly was then published by George Godwin Ltd at Catherine Street in London, with three issues in 1975, and a new format based on themes – Housing, Transport and Urban Renewal were the first three selected. Each consisted of about six short (about five pages) papers, followed by a series of topical features and a comments section. The volume numbers were reset at Volume 1 (1975) and this has provided the baseline for the next fifty years.

The publication pattern was set with about half of each quarterly issue devoted to papers on a particular theme, and the editors seemed able to find a way of soliciting short papers from well-known experts. But it appeared this was not a robust business plan, as it was dependent on maintaining a good flow of relevant and interesting (albeit short) papers. This placed a continuous pressure on the editors to deliver and may have contributed to the sale of the journal from the Builder Group to Kogan Page in 1978 and ‘Quarterly’ was removed from the title.

As can be seen from the announcement above, Peter Hall and Tom Hancock took over as Editors. But what the announcement failed to mention was the format changed slightly: the theme became the focus for each issue, and less space was allocated to practice and book reviews. There was also a new link with the Regional Studies Association, with a regular section on regional planning, practice and methodology – a link that ended in 1985. Another development not mentioned in the announcement was that Louis Hellman (https://www.louishellman.co.uk/) agreed to provide a cartoon for each issue ‘illustrating’ the issue’s theme. This he did brilliantly from Volume 4 no. 4 to Volume 39, no. 4, and we have reproduced several examples in this issue.

The final piece of this complicated history of Built Environment was the establishment of Alexandrine Press (https://www.alexandrinepress.co.uk) in 1979 and their acquisition of the journal from Kogan Page in 1980. This change was seamless as the same editorial team continued to manage the journal. Tom Hancock left in 1980 to build the Milton Keynes peace pagoda and pursue other interests. Peter continued as editor for forty years. In 1983 he was joined by Mike Breheny who was replaced in 1993 by David Banister. Two editors became three in 2013 when Stephen Marshall joined Peter and David. Following Peter’s death in 2014 David and Stephen continued as Editors until they were joined by Lucy Natarajan in 2019.

Gradually over time, members of the Editorial Board and other experts took on the role of Guest Editor for each themed issue. This took some of the pressure off the Editors to select the authors for the papers, and to provide a continuous flow of papers on each topic. While the workload could be spread more widely, the Editors still have a key responsibility to identify both the theme for each issue and then to select the most suitable Guest Editor. The active support of the Editorial Board was important here. Help and guidance to the Guest Editors was important to maintain the quality of the papers, the range of topics covered, the increasingly global scope of the journal, and the necessity to publish quarterly.

Built Environment has maintained its pattern of publishing quarterly, but the size of each issue has been increased substantially. For the first thirty years, the annual page count has been between 300 and 350 pages, but this was expanded over the next decade to over 500 pages (+50 per cent). It now stands at about 700 pages (+40 per cent), meaning that the page count has doubled over the fifty years.

Built Environment: Interpretation and Themes

 

The built environment is one thing, how people dwell in it another.

Richard Sennett, 2018

 

The term ‘built environment’ is complex. It is inherently inter-disciplinary and encompasses a wide range of subjects, disciplines, and professions. This in turn leads to a diversity of academic treatment, from discursive social science writing to more quantitative and analytic approaches. In Built Environment, with its different theme for each issue, our aim is to address this diversity.

Further, the themed nature of the journal enables a breadth and depth of treatment of one topic in single issue, in both print and online. This is made possible with the help of our guest editors, who are specialized in a particular field – possibly a field or fields at the margins of or outside the traditional territory of the built environment per se (e.g. geography, economics, public policy).

Examples of typically inter-disciplinary issues include ‘Marketplaces as an Urban Development Strategy’ (Volume, 39, no. 2): a market is more than a building, more than a public space; it is also a land use and locus of economic activity, housed in a particular kind of physical setting. Another example is commuting, which is not just about travel, but also separation of land uses, about cities and suburbs, home and work (Changing Patterns of Commuting, Volume 45, no. 4); while ‘Homes that Work’ (Volume, 49, no. 3) is additionally concerned with the intimate spaces of home working, a fusion of architecture, society and culture.

Indeed, the themed approach allows us to include topics that are not normally regarded as within the built environment sphere, but intersect with it, such as violence (Volume, 40, no. 3), big data (Volume 42, no. 3), cognition (Volume 44, no. 2), arts (Volume 46, no. 2) or liveability (Volume 48, no. 3).

The last ten years have seen a renewed prerogative for a geographically diverse treatment, addressing the Global South as well as the Global North. This is seen explicitly in the cases such as ‘Public Space if the Global North and South’ (Volume 48, no. 2), and geographically focused issues such as ‘Arab Cities after “The Spring”’ (Volume 40, no. 1) and ‘Urban Land Grabs in Africa’ (Volume 44, no. 4), but also in themes that are ‘universal’ in applicability but that have a substantially representation from the Global South, such as ‘Homes that Work’ (Volume 49, no. 3) and ‘Planning for Equitable Urban and Regional Food Systems’ (Volume 43, no. 3).

In addition, issues of inclusion have also received increasing attention, through ‘Inclusive Design: Towards Social Equity in the Built Environment’ (Volume 44, no. 1), ‘Women-led Urbanism’ (Volume 49, no. 4), and participatory approaches to planning (Volume 45, nos. 1 and 2).

Looking ahead, we anticipate further attention to the types of themes above, with the likelihood of greater attention to major societal challenges such as climate change, technologies such as artificial intelligence, as well as the future of built environment education and professions.

Our Seven Chosen Themes

We have chosen seven themes we regard as emblematic of Built Environment over the last fifty years:

Sustainability and the Environment
Urban Design
Inclusion
The Compact City
Technology
Regional Perspectives
Transport

For five of these themes we reproduce two papers (one earlier and one later) while in case of Technology there is just one paper and for Sustainability and the Environment three papers. Each theme is introduced with a brief commentary.

To represent Sustainability and the Environment we have chosen Environmental Impact Analysis. This seemed particularly appropriate as it was the first issue edited by Peter Hall and Tom Hancock.

There has always been a well-grounded critique of cost benefit analysis (CBA) for project assessment, as it necessitates making monetary valuations of the costs and benefits so that alternatives can be ranked. Environmental Impact Analysis (EIA) was developed to measure a much wider range of costs and benefits, using mainly non-monetary valuations. Built Environment has devoted three issues to this topic, and those papers selected reflect the basic methodology, progress made (over the intervening fifteen years), and the transition to strategic environmental assessment (in Japan). Analysis has made substantial progress from the classic Leopold Matrix (Leopold et al., 1971) to a much wider range of approaches monitoring, valuation, and participation (Glasson and Therivel, 2019). EIA has come of age, and it is now an essential part of project assessment, including the wider issues related to policies and programmes (Sadler and Verheem, 1996).

Urban Design has been a periodic theme in Built Environment. Two issues have explicitly addressed Urban Design (Theory and Practice in Urban Design, Volume 22, no. 4 and Urban Design Strategies in Practice, Volume 25, no. 4); other issues have significant urban design content (e.g. New Urbanism, Volume 29, no. 3; Urban Morphology and Design, Volume 37, no. 4). For this issue, we chose a pair of papers that focus on the more specialized sub-theme of Streets: Jan Gehl’s paper ‘The residential street environment’ (Volume 6, no. 1, 1980) and Vicinius Netto et al.’s paper asking ‘Does Architecture Matter to Urban Vitality?’ (Volume 48, no. 3, 2022).

The theme of Inclusion is expansive with issues touching on inclusive urban design and spaces and ways to greater equity, as well as the violence of exclusive practices and spaces. This theme is represented by papers from 1990 and 2023 that show the evolution of premises of diversity through studies of gendered lived experience of environments. That line was reprised to question institutions and practices in ‘Women and the Environment’ (Volume, 22, no. 1, 1996) and more recently ‘Women-led Urbanism’ (Volume 49, no. 4, 2023). Issues from other years focus on other social groups including children, with studies of younger people’s relationship with built space (Playgrounds in the Built Environment, Volume 25, no. 1, 1999; Children, Young People, and Built Environments, Volume 33, no.4, 2007).

In the 1990s the Compact City became a central concern in Europe as part of the sustainability debate as it was an issue where the EU could make a real contribution. Compactness and mixed use became symbolic of that process, which seemed viable in the smaller historic cities, typical of Europe, but not so appropriate for rapidly urbanizing global cities. Two issues of Built Environment have been devoted to the compact city (Volume 18, no. 4, 1992 and Volume 3, no. 1, 2010), and the papers selected here represent the original thinking and concerns, even at that time, on the advantages of compactness, and the situation later where the concepts have been applied in a megacity in the developing world [LN1] (Mumbai). The original optimism has been tempered with the reality of the megacity, suggesting that new thinking is now needed to understand the complex structures of global cities, not just in terms of their physical form, but also their rationality, inclusiveness, and opportunity (Breheny, 1992; Jacobs, 1961; Jenks et al., 2008).

For Technology we chose one aspect, Cyberspace, and reflect a single piece: Ken Friedman’s seminal paper ‘Building cyberspace: information, place and policy’ (Volume 24, nos.2/3, 1998) which was published roughly halfway through Built Environment’s fifty-year history.

Regions attract a distinctive perspective on built environments, and this theme has enormous relevance to international thinking on design and planning for sustainability. The papers from 2002 (Volume 28, no. 3, Islam and Built  Form: Studies Regional Diversity) and 2014 (Delta Urbanism: New Challenges for Planning and Design in Urbanized Deltas) reproduced here represent some of the research that used a Regional Perspective to explain how humans re-shape the world. Multiple issues, too many to list, have employed a regional perspective to delve into changing urbanisms, cultures, and ‘spatial development’ work of particular regions. These explorations provide a wealth of evidence on the shape of regions, for instance of those that shrank (Understanding Shrinkage in European Regions, Volume 38, no. 2, 2012) and those that expanded upwards (High-Rise Urbanism in Contemporary Europe, Volume 43, no. 4, 2017) and outwards (Burton and Gill, Volume, 41, no. 4, 2015) over the years.

Finally, Transport has always been prominent in the themes explored by Built Environment, often seen as a problem issue in urban planning, but more recently as a solution to improving quality of life and the urban environment. The early views were primarily concern with ‘civilizing’ the car, as it was realized that cities would have to adapt to the car or vice versa (Buchanan, 1963). Since then, the wheel has turned through interest in traffic management, demand management and pricing. But even then, the car continued to dominate, and city planners then promoted high quality public transport, and this provides the theme for our first transport paper, building on the Swiss Cities model (Kaufmann, 2004). Over the most recent past, with new debates on climate change, sustainability, accessibility and the rights of citizens over the ownership of city space, the debate has become richer with the advent of cleaner, rented, low speed personal transport. Our second transport paper examines the potential looking at North America (Shaheen et al., 2021).

Prospective – The Next Fifty years

To complete the picture given in this Golden Anniversary celebration, we give a perspective on the future direction for the journal and for journal publishing more generally. The most important urban planning issue is the growth in human population and the consequent impact on the environment and consumption. This population growth will not be distributed evenly across the globe: most growth will take place in Africa, and to a lesser extent in South America and South East Asia. That population will be increasingly living in cities and become ‘urban’, working in the service and technology sectors. Such a future seems clear, but the implications are less transparent with huge uncertainties. For Built Environment this means that the scope for new themes becomes vast, as population growth has substantial direct and indirect impacts on urban areas and their hinterlands.

Cities will become larger with the megacity and the megacity region, leading to complex structures and linear cities along public transport axes or in rings linked by high-speed rail – this is already happening in China and Brazil. City regions may develop more amorphously without strong planning interventions. But it not just city form and our understanding of the advantages of different ‘city types’, but also the value of open and green spaces, the functions of those cities, and the value of face-to-face contact – it could be argued that if cities cease to be places where people get together and socialise, then do they have any value? If the future is one of remote working, and online recreation and shopping, then the city population can be dispersed. An essential element here, and one that has not been addressed by Built Environment, is the importance of migration to the city and the wider trends of international migration. The city is often seen as being attractive, offering well-paid jobs and a higher standard of living. There are strong pull factors and historic associations play a part, but equally people are pushed from rural areas and from overseas whether from man-made or natural disasters or in search of a better life. Conversely, remote working enabling people to live and work in villages and the rural hinterland could blur the sense of self-containment of both cities and peripheral settlements, so that the concept of ‘town–country’ becomes a hybrid of the two in distinct locations rather than an intermediate blend of two.

Related to these issues are the huge inequalities between and within nations, cities, and smaller urban areas, not just in terms of income levels but also of perceived opportunities. In general, those living in cities are better off, they are better educated, and they have better access to health and other public services. They are also more engaged in and knowledgeable of the rapid changes in technology in all its forms, and they are also better connected and have a higher quality infrastructure (transport, energy and water). This image of the city makes them attractive, but cities are also places of huge inequality that include maldistribution of the same factors mentioned above, together with the added disadvantages of poor quality but expensive housing, high levels of pollution, loss of community, and high levels of crime. These issues will provide a rich source of material for Built Environment and some of them need to be revisited to determine whether city life is improving for all, both in established historical cities and in the controlled and uncontrolled expansion of megacities globally.

Cities are growing and the inequalities are becoming more apparent. But cities are also dependent on the global environment due to their enormous ‘footprints’. Cities need feeding and they need (clean) energy, green spaces, and water. But they produce huge amounts of waste (and pollution) – they are centres of consumption. That consumption is best illustrated by these needs plus the ubiquitous availability of internet connectivity.

City demand for all three of these essentials is increasing exponentially, yet the necessary investment in providing them is not keeping pace. At the same time, the expansive trends are problematic and alternative planning responses will be highly significant. These topics are all suitable themes for future issues of Built Environment.

The global climate crisis also has both direct and indirect impacts on the city. As sea levels rise, many coastal cities become vulnerable to flooding, and this together with the increasing frequency and severity of weather events have increased the costs of mitigation and adaptation. Cities also act as ‘heat islands’ with the built form absorbing heat, making them warmer than the surrounding areas, and they have levels of pollution that exceed the WHO safe limits. Higher temperatures and pollution have health implications for the elderly and the young, and they increase the numbers of premature deaths, as well as overall levels of sickness and disease. Cities were unhealthy places to live 150 years ago, and they may increasingly become so again in the next fifty years. This underscores the importance of research around potential spaces and technologies for future living environments.

In the coming years we can expect increased attention to nature-based solutions, ecosystem services, and biophilia, which could also lead to new relationships between the natural and built environments, as concepts of ‘nature’ and different species cohabiting with humans are taken into consideration.

We can also expect advances in technology to bring further innovations driving change in the built environment, building on recent trends, from transport technologies (e.g. alternative fuels; drones) and operations (e.g. mobility as a service) through the exploitation of artificial intelligence and ‘urban science’ to social media (both as a behavioural setting and use as a research resource). As ever, the connectedness of these things is more difficult to predict than the individual advances; while fifty years ago one might have predicted advanced computation or ‘flying cars’, it would have been less easy to predict the use of a pocket-sized computer (smart phone) to gain real-time public transport information or order a cab from on board a delayed train, or to use data from social media postings to gain insights into the differential perception of place in the built environment.

Indeed, the next fifty years could even see the establishment of new off-world human-built environments, whether in space or on the Moon or Mars. Such developments could pioneer new kinds of building format, settlement unit and structure – underground and/or enclosed urbanism – according to the environments, their socio-political structure, and construction technology. The prospect of 3D printing of buildings could be synergistic with the creation of built environments in hostile environments where remote construction minimizing human labour is the priority.

There is no shortage of critical topics for future issues of Built Environment, some of which are mentioned here, but others will naturally emerge over time. The difficulty may be in identifying relatively self-contained, yet interesting themes that can be addressed with a set of internationally sourced papers. The complexity and interconnectedness of global topics related to urban policy and planning issues provide difficult but interesting opportunities.

And that complexity and interconnectedness feature in our first issue for 2025 devoted to Postgrowth Planning. Edited by Dan Durrant, Yvonne Rydin and Marjan Marjanovic, the issue will address the implications of a built environment where economic growth is no longer the desirable aim of planning, where resources are limited, and where their allocation cannot be driven purely by financial returns on investment. The contributors come from the range of disciplines involved in constructing, designing, managing, and governing the built environment and the issue will be published in late January/early February, a little earlier than our usual schedule.

REFERENCES

 

  • Andres, L. and Natarajan, L. (2024) Towards Women-Led Urbanism. Built Environment, 49(4).
  • Appert, M., Drozdz, M. and Harris, A., (2017) High-Rise Urbanism in Contemporary Europe, Built Environment, 43(4).
  • Bontje, M. and Musterd, S. (2012). Understanding Shrinkage in European Regions. Built Environment, 38(2).
  • Brand, J. (1996) Sustainable Development: The International, National and Local Context for Women. Built Environment, 22(1).
  • Breheny, M. (ed.) (1992) Sustainable Development and Urban Form, London: Pion.
  • Buchanan, C. (1963) Traffic in Towns, London: HMSO.
  • Burton, P. and Gill, J. (2015) Suburban Spaces, Suburban Cultures. Built Environment, 41(4).
  • Friedman, K. (1998) Building cyberspace: Information, place and policy. Built Environment, 24(3/4), pp. 83–103.
  • Gehl, J. (1980) The residential street environment. Built Environment, 6(1), pp. 51–61.
  • Glasson, J and Therivel, R (2019) Introduction to Environmental Impact Assessment, 5th ed. London: Routledge.
  • Jacobs, J (1961) The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Vintage.
  • Jenks, M, Kozak, D and Takkonon, P (eds) (2008) World Cities and Urban Form: Fragmented, Polycentric, Sustainable? London: Routledge.
  • Kaufmann, V. (2004) Social and political segregation of urban transportation: the merits and limitations of the Swiss cities model. Built Environment, 30(2), pp. 146–152.
  • Kraftl, P., Horton, J. and Tucker F. (2014) Children, Young People and Built Environments, Built Environment, 33(4).
  • McKendrick, J.H. (1999) Playgrounds in the Built Environment, Built Environment, 25(1).
  • Netto, V. M., Saboya, R. and Vargas, J. C. (2022) Does architecture matter to urban vitality? Buildings and the social life of streets and neighbourhoods. Built Environment48(3), pp. 317–340.
  • Reeves D. (1996) Women and the Environment, Built Environment, 22(1).
  • Sadler, B and Verheem, R (1996) Strategic Environmental Assessment. The Hague: Dutch Ministry of Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment.
  • Shaheen, S., Cohen, A. and Broader, J. (2021) What’s the ‘big’ deal with shared micromobility? Evolution, curb policy, and potential developments in North America, Built Environment, 47(4), pp. 499–514.

 [LN1]Language ? Maybe global south?

 

Sustainability and the Environment, urban design, Inclusion, The Compact City, Technology, Regional Perspectives, transport

Built Environment at Fifty: Perspectives, Landmarks, and Prospects

About this issue

Issue number

Summary

2024 is the Golden Anniversary of Built Environment. To mark the occasion this special double issue is published to reflect on the changes that have taken place over the journal’s fifty years. The editors have identified some of the key papers published over the decades and these are reprinted here, together with a commentary on whether they have stood the test of time and their relevance today.

 

David Banister, Stephen Marshall, Lucy Natajaran
10 Sep 2024
  • Built Environment at Fifty: Perspectives, Landmarks, and Prospects
    DAVID BANISTER, STEPHEN MARSHALL and LUCY NATAJARAN
  • Environmental Impact Analysis: Scientific Tool or Philosopher’s Stone?
    DAVID BANISTER
    Brian D. Clark, Keith Chapman, Ronald Bisset and Peter Wathern (1978) Methods of environmental impact analysis.
    John Glasson (1994) Life after the decision: the importance of monitoring in EIA.
    Sachihiko Harashina (2001) A new stage of EIA in Japan. 
  • The Built Environment: Framing and Enabling Vital Streets
    STEPHEN MARSHALL
    Jan Gehl (1980) The residential street environment.
    Vinicius M. Netto, Renato Saboya and Júlio Celso Vargas (2022) Does architecture matter to urban vitality?
    Buildings and the social life of streets and neighbourhoods. 
  • Inclusion and the Rise of Liveability
    LUCY NATAJARAN
    Jos Boys (1990) Dealing with difference. 
    Maria Carrizosa (2023) No house is just a house: house interviews, space-use intensity, and city-making.
  • The Compact City
    DAVID BANISTER
    Susan E. Owens and Peter A. Rickaby (1992) Settlements and energy revisited.
    Seema Dave (2010) High urban densities in developing countries: a sustainable solution? 
  • Revisiting Cyberspace
    STEPHEN MARSHALL
    Ken Friedman (1998) Building cyberspace: Information, place and policy.
  • Regional Perspectives
    LUCY NATAJARAN
    Attilio Petruccioli (2002) New methods of reading the urban fabric of the Islamicized Mediterranean.  
    Campanella, R. (2014) Fluidity, rigidity and consequence: a comparative historical geography of the Mississippi and Sénégal River Deltas and the deltaic urbanism of New Orleans and Saint-Louis. 
  • Transport – There Must Be Better Ways
    DAVID BANISTER
    Vincent Kaufmann (2004) Social and political segregation of urban transportation: the merits and limitations of the Swiss cities model. 
    Susan Shaheen, Adam Cohen, A. Jacquelyn and Broader (2021) What’s the ‘big’ deal with shared micromobility? Evolution, curb policy, and potential developments in North America.

Meet the Editors

About this issue

Issue number
Volume 50 – Number 2

Summary

Robert Sember is an educator and artist who has taught most recently at The New School’s Eugene Lang College in New York City and with the Alabama Prison Arts and Education Program’s Higher Education in Prison initiative in Auburn, Alabama. 

 

 

Gerry Kearns is Professor of Geography at Maynooth University, Ireland, and works at the intersection of historical, health, and political geographies. He is the author of Geopolitics and Empire and co-editor of Spatial Justice and the Irish Crisis.

 

Molly Rose Kaufman is the Executive Director and a Co-Founder of the University of Orange, a free school of restoration urbanism in Orange, NJ. She currently teaches in the Freedom Scholars program at The New School.

 

 

Mindy Thompson Fullilove is a social psychiatrist and professor of urban policy and health at The New School, NewYork. She is the author of Root Shock: How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurts America and What We Can Do About It.

Displacement, Eviction, Community disruption, Demolition, Urban renewal, Gentrication, African American communities, Traveller communities

Root Shock Twenty Years On: Displacement – Its Harms and Remedies

About this issue

Issue number
Volume 50 – Number 2

Summary

This book, then, tells a painful story, but it also offers hope. We have a century ahead of us: we have a treatment for root shock; we have the possibility of preventing further damage by nurturing the world’s neighborhoods instead of destroying them; we who care about the community are many. 
M.T. Fullilove, Root Shock (2004)
 
Mindy Thompson Fullilove first proposed the concept of ‘root shock’ in a 2001 paper published in the Journal of Urban Health. She borrowed the term root shock from botanists who use it to describe the stress experienced by transplanted trees or shrubs. If the plant’s roots are damaged or poorly developed, their limited water and nutrient uptake makes them susceptible to injury from weather, insects, or disease. In combination, these stressors may prove fatal. Fullilove proposed that the massive destruction of neighbourhoods is similarly distressing and harmful to human communities. Groups that experience forced displacement have heightened physical and mental health risks, struggle financially, and are politically marginalized if not entirely disempowered. These harms may last lifetimes and can be passed on to future generations. A study of upheaval in five US cities allowed Fullilove and her team to elaborate on these consequences. The results were presented in her book, Root Shock: How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurts America and What We Can Do About It (2004). 
 
This special issue of Built Environment marks the twentieth anniversary of the publication of that book. The essays, case studies, and research presented here are authored by journalists, community organizers, historians, social geographers, public health researchers, and urban policy scholars. The papers attest to the impact of Fullilove’s work, elaborate on her concept of ‘root shock’, contribute analyses that affirm the book’s core paradigm linking human life and wellbeing to the qualities of urban environments, and codify her research methods. While disruption and community displacement affect the whole world, we focus in this issue on historic and contemporary situations in Ireland and the United States because of their shared history of being colonized by Britain, which used forced displacement as state policy for control of land and populations.
 
The questions that inspired Root Shock formed during Fullilove’s years of inquiry into epidemics in minority neighbourhoods beginning with the AIDS epidemic in the 1980s in the cities of San Francisco and Oakland in northern California. In New York City in the 1990s she sought to understand the underlying causes of multiple epidemics including AIDS, crack cocaine addiction, violence, mental illness related to violence, asthma, multi-drug resistant tuberculosis and obesity. The concentration of these epidemics in specific city neighbourhoods suggested that place plays a role, so Fullilove set about tracing how policies, such as urban renewal, destabilized communities and weakened the social bonds that enable groups to weather adversity. 
 
The Urban Renewal Act of 1949 was intended to combat urban ‘blight’. With the backing of the US Federal Government, officials in cities across the United States set about demolishing blocks and even entire neighbourhoods. However, rather than remedying blight and transforming ‘slums’ into vibrant, safe, and healthy neighbourhoods, urban renewal intensified the harms of urban poverty by sorting cities by race and class. Poor communities of colour were uprooted and concentrated in areas with sub-par housing and few services.
 
In 1961, the New York State Advisory Committee to the US Commission on Civil Rights predicted that the net effect of urban renewal would be ‘to increase the nonwhite concentration in peripheral areas and to accelerate blight because of overcrowding, landlord exploitation, and neglect of repairs of buildings’ (State Advisory Committees, 1961, p. 438). The programme ended in 1968 with passage of Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act, also known as the Fair Housing Act, which outlawed racial discrimination in federal housing programmes. By that time, approximately 2,500 urban renewal projects in 993 cities had displaced an estimated one million people, 75 per cent of them people of colour (Kaufman et al., 2023). 
 
In Root Shock Fullilove provides a detailed account of urban renewal projects in the cities of Newark, New Jersey; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; and Roanoke, Virginia. Her research documented the long-term effects of root shock, which include: intense stress; trauma and prolonged grief; high rates of infectious and chronic diseases; poverty; housing insecurity; limited access to education and healthcare; and a lack of political power, which hobbles efforts to seek redress and petition for much-needed state investments. She also reports that displacement is far from over. Redlining and urban renewal were followed by the Federal government’s Hope VI programme, which resulted in the demolition of tens of thousands of units of public housing in the 1990s and 2000s. Today, residents of poor and low wealth neighbourhoods are displaced by gentrification and other forms of real-estate speculation and wealth extraction. 
 
Among Fullilove’s signal contributions to the fields of urban studies and public health is her focus on the collective psychological and emotional harms that follow displacement. She makes this clear in her definition of root shock as ‘the traumatic stress reaction to the loss of all or part of one’s emotional ecosystem’ (Fullilove, 2004, p. 15). Just as the health of the plant is dependent on its relationship – its rootedness – to its environment, so the health of each person is affected by their belonging to place and community. If the soil is polluted, the plant cannot thrive; similarly, if an urban environment suffers disinvestment and isolation, the resulting insecurity and stress will disrupt the social bonds that secure a sense of place. Here Fullilove outlines the domino effect of this rupture which may include, for example, the loss of a neighbour ready to help without being asked:
 
I know, as a psychiatrist, that, at the level of the individual, the loss of neighbors who ‘automatically came’ was devastating. At the level of the community, the loss of the collective capacity to solve problems in order to make progress became a permanently crippling one. Social scientists have established that social loss of that order makes people vulnerable. After a loss, a second blow will hurt more and do its damage more quickly than the first, setting in motion an accelerating downward spiral of collapse. Thus, for the displaced citizens, urban renewal sapped resources and depleted strength in a manner that increased vulnerability not simply for a few years, but for many decades to come. Perhaps, most problematic, the dismantling of some poor, disenfranchised neighborhoods for the ‘greater good’ pitted one section of the city against the other, and unleashed divisions and hostilities that remain a heavy burden for the city to bear. (Fullilove, 2004, p. 99)
 
Root Shock is far more than a history of displacement and its disasters. That history and its emotion-laden counterpart, memory, are prelude to the book’s inquiry into survival and healing. When acknowledging that Root Shock ‘tells a painful story’, Fullilove quickly adds that, ‘it also offers hope’ (ibid., p. 7). This hope is practised in her methodology and embodied in Root Shock’s multiple protagonists.
 
Fullilove walks the streets of the focal cities, repeatedly, observing both what remains and what is absent. She combs through archives so that she might tie large themes to locations and the people who live there. She listens to the lamentations of those who have been displaced and to the steely wisdom of those who stay or return and fight to hold on to home and community. She shares the pages of the book so that others may speak to us directly. And she recounts multiple episodes of collective problem solving in gatherings that hold doubt, confusion, and suspicion alongside creativity and solidarity. In these moments we learn that the choice is not between pain or hope: they are a package. Rather, we must choose between inaction and action, specifically collective action.
 
Fullilove proposes that root shock affects us all and we can only solve it by working together. ‘I venture to propose’, she writes in the opening pages of Root Shock, ‘that displacement is the problem the twenty-first century must solve’ (ibid., p. 5). A few pages later she explains why it is constitutive of our epoch and, therefore, implicates us all: ‘[Displacement] rips apart emotional connections in one part of the globe and sets in motion small changes that spread out across the world, shifting the direction of all interpersonal connections’ (ibid., p. 17). This map of sorrow also emphasizes our interdependence which guides us to the antidote to root shock: connection. 
 
The principle is simple: we – that is to say, all people – live in an emotional ecosystem that attaches us to the environment, not just as our individual selves, but as beings caught in a single, universal net of consciousness anchored in small niches we call neighborhoods or hamlets or villages. Because of the interconnectedness of the net, if your place is destroyed today, I will feel it hereafter. (Ibid.)
 
Fullilove’s empathic awareness threads through the final chapters of Root Shock where she outlines principles we might follow to create human rights-oriented urban environments. Each principle is a variation on the theme of connection:
 
  • Respect the Common Life the Way You Would an Individual Life
  • Treasure the Buildings History Has Given Us
  • Break the Cycle of Disinvestment
  • Ensure Freedom of Movement
 
In the two books published after Root Shock – Urban Alchemy: Restoring Joy in America’s Sorted-Out Cities (2013) and Main Street: How a City’s Heart Connects Us All (2020) – Fullilove develops these principles into strategies we can use to create cities that connect rather than displace and segregate their inhabitants. In sheer numbers of pages, these latter volumes in her urban restoration trilogy tip the scales towards hope.
 
Fullilove’s vivid and compassionate reportage, theoretical insights, and principled and pragmatic advice have earned Root Shock a devoted and diverse following. In keeping with her central metaphor, the book favours poetry over jargon: she speaks plainly to both heart and head. Individuals who have been or are being displaced, feel recognized: their upheavals are indeed shocking and do disturb the very roots of both being and belonging. Community organizers working to protect and secure people and their homes find they are part of movements that have long struggled against the exploitation and segregation of poor, minority urban communities. Geographers, urban planners, architects, and public health researchers and healthcare providers are aligned in Fullilove’s assertion that individual and collective lives and environments are inextricably linked. And policy makers use the book to equip themselves with the analysis, principles, and actions required to do good. 
 
The papers gathered here are similarly diverse in approach and investment. They include dispatches from two of the cities featured in Root Shock, Roanoke and Pittsburgh. While root shock affects community across the world, we solicited original papers from the US and Ireland because of their shared histories as colonies of Britain and the implementation of forced displacement as state policy for control of land and populations. The legacies of this history are taken up in papers that address mass criminalization in the US and the plight of migrants and renters in Ireland. 
 
 
The first two essays in the issue are dispatches from the cities of Roanoke, Virginia (Bishop, 2024) and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania (Holland et al., 2024). These city’s urban renewal projects and associated upheavals were researched extensively by Fullilove and her team. 
 
Mary Bishop, a journalist at the Roanoke Times, began reporting in 1991 on the destruction of two of Roanoke’s predominantly Black neighbourhoods, Northeast and Gainsboro. Her interviews with former residents of these neighbourhoods inspired Fullilove to visit the city where she walked the bulldozed blocks, searched the city archives, and listened to accounts of displacement in the decades of sadness that followed. In her essay for this special issue, Bishop examines how memory is shaped in Roanoke. The stories of and feelings for the city, are, like its neighbourhoods, segregated. Former Black residents of Northeast and Gainsboro embody the trauma of displacement and hold close their memories of a vital neighbourhood that White outsiders considered blighted. Bishop holds city officials and her fellow journalists complicit in White forgetting. In contrast, she, a White woman, and new to the city in 1991 when she began her research, becomes a witness to and archivist of the aftermath of urban renewal. By accompanying those who are recovering from the loss of home and community, Bishop helps reconnect the city with its past. 
 
In Pittsburgh, Fullilove found a Black community ready to fight for its neighbourhood. The Hill District, renowned for its music, theatre, and visual arts, was hard hit by urban renewal. But residents were organizing to stay. At the invitation of Terri Baltimore and other community organizers, Fullilove visited the Hill District multiple times. In his dispatch from contemporary Pittsburgh, historian Dan Holland records Terri Baltimore and Phil Hallen’s memories of Fullilove’s visits in the mid-1990s. Hallen was then the President of the Maurice Falk Medical Fund, which funded Fullilove’s contributions to the process of fighting HOPE VI projects. Fullilove encouraged community members to tell their story, claim their place in the city, and plan for the future. Holland notes, however, that over the past two decades, the city’s Black population has declined significantly due to Hope VI policies and gentrification; the former demolished many of Pittsburgh public housing units and the latter is pricing people out of their neighbourhoods and, in some cases, the city.
 
The problem of gentrification is also the focus of a research report by Fullilove and her colleagues (Fullilove et al., 2024). This paper, one of five concerning root shock in the US, discusses the results of a three-year-long comparative investigation of situations in Orange, New Jersey, where gentrification is still in an early phase, and the Shaw neighbourhood in Washington DC, which is now almost completely gentrified. Interviews in both locations document the many stressors that accompany gentrification, including displacement, the loss of cultural community and social bonds, increased rents, and abandonment by elected officials. The authors, much like Holland in Pittsburgh, underscore the ongoing vulnerability of working class, majority people of colour urban neighbourhoods. Efforts to counteract gentrification have been successful but much remains to be done to reverse policies that depress land values and weaken political connections thereby exposing communities to exploitation. The authors also note that capital accumulation through the control of housing markets is increasingly global in nature. To counter these forces requires strategies that, while rooted in the local, also combat these macro structures.
 
Real estate exploitation is at the heart of Wallace and Wallace’s analysis of voter suppression in the South Bronx neighbourhoods of New York City (Wallace and Wallace, 2024). They explain systematically how public policies generated by the real estate industry disempower communities. Community after community of immigrants and people of colour were displaced by redlining, urban renewal, and planned shrinkage, which is the deliberate withdrawal of public funding from neighbourhoods. They were soon replaced by people pushed out of Harlem and other majority minority areas of the city. Multiple episodes of forced displacement weakened social bonds and place attachment making it difficult to get out the vote. In the 1933 mayoral election, 32 per cent of the entire population of the Bronx voted. In the 2021 mayoral election, less than 19 per cent of registered voters in South and Central Bronx cast a ballot. As discussed in Root Shock, this multi-generational process of disempowerment is related to health problems.
 
In 2011 Mindy Fullilove and Rodrick Wallace (2011) described how neighbourhoods often experienced multiple forms of upheaval, a process they called ‘serial forced displacement’. The policies they implicate include, among others, redlining, urban renewal, planned shrinkage, deindustrialization, and mass criminalization. Taylor, Whitfield, Rogers and Sember use this observation as the starting point for their examination of the root shock of mass incarceration (Taylor et al., 2024). Again, it is majority Black communities that bear the brunt of the carceral system. Family separation, community fragmentation, and the over-policing and incarceration of people from majority Black neighbourhoods are, they argue, both direct and indirect causes of ill health, economic distress, and disempowerment.
 
Care for place and community is at the heart of the final two US-focused papers. Both address the powerful and healing role Black women play in communities wounded by root shock.
 
In Urban Alchemy: Restoring Joy in America’s Sorted-Out Cities (2013), Fullilove celebrates the restorative potential of settlement houses. Established at the turn of the twentieth century to serve the urban poor and European immigrants, Settlement Houses might offer education, healthcare, childcare, and employment resources. Most importantly, they provide ‘common space within which individuals from disconnected groups can connect in new and interesting ways [and from] those new openings for exchange, new capacity is created for problem identification and solution’ (Fullilove 2013, p. 256). Sister Anetha Perry grew up in her family home in Camden, New Jersey, which operated as a settlement house for her majority Black neighbourhood. In a paper co-authored with her doctoral dissertation advisor, Stephen Danley, Sister Perry documents the arduous process of restoring and reopening Perry House, which she inherited in 2013 (Perry and Danley, 2024). ‘Good neighbouring’ she concludes, is essential to repairing communities wounded by disinvestment and displacement. Danley finds, in the reopening of Perry House, confirmation that ‘bottom-up’ approaches to regeneration are possible.
 
Urban Alchemy features in the title of Versey, Reyes and Yeh’s report on their ethnographic research into the contributions Black older women make to lower-income urban neighbourhoods (Versey et al., 2024). Drawing from environmental gerontology, and Black and feminist geography, the authors explore with the women they interview how actions of ‘Black placemaking’ create sites of belonging, endurance, and resistance. Their work reiterates many of the themes discussed above, including the importance of memory, the integration of hurt and healing, and the power that lies in connection. This research surfaces long-ignored stories of power and healing that demonstrate how Black communities navigate the tumult of root shock. 
 
Gerry Kearns, a human geographer at the National University of Ireland, Maynooth, is editor of the five papers from Ireland, one of which he authored. He explains that these papers, ‘contribute to a broad appreciation of root shock as a way to conceptualize the disruption of place-based emotional ecosystems by state practice or state-assisted capitalism, and to trace the consequences and legacies for community and ideology’ (Kearns, 2024). 
 
In his paper, Kearns considers the legacies of root shock and post-colonial trauma. He opens with a reading of a 2021 image by the artist Spicebag. The image is both a depiction of evictions conducted in 2018 by members of a private security firm and the Dublin police and a palimpsest: Spicebag uses, as background, an 1845 painting by John Joseph Tracey depicting the eviction of a family during the Great Famine. Thus, events from different historical moments are made simultaneously present. A psychologist may see in this a representation of multi-generational trauma. A political economist may read it as a depiction of structural violence. Kearns combines these perspectives as he guides us through Ireland’s affective and historical topography. His extensive inventory of forced displacement supports his assertion that root shock, a tactic of colonial rule, is now a feature of the neoliberal state. This argument resurfaces in other papers in this section.
 
Two of the papers introduce and define particular forms of root shock: Broe (2024) proposes that gentrification is experienced as ‘displacement in place’ and Till and McArdle (2024) write of ‘route shock’, the disruption of the spatial and cultural circuits used by Irish Travellers, an indigenous ethnic minority. 
 
The final two Irish papers offer examples of contemporary efforts to fracture communities and undermine solidarity: McDonald (2024) reports on how manufactured conflicts between single-parent households and refugee groups advance ethnic nationalism and Gavin and O’Callaghan (2024), writing from within the tenants’ rights struggles in Dublin, record efforts to foment dissention and thereby disempower the movement.
 
Kearns, in his role as editor of this section, provides, towards the end of his essay, the following overview of these papers:
 
The energy of resistance to modern urban eviction, outlined by Gavin and O’Callaghan draws on the historical memory of rural eviction. Broe documents how modern neoliberal urban policies undermine those earlier state policies that reacted to a legacy of urban root shock by providing inner-city social housing. She reveals working-class anger and sadness at the dissolution of these earlier victories under the threat of a new round of urban root shock. McDonald describes how the threat of homelessness is part of social policy with respect to the urban poor, particularly lone-parent mothers raising children. The traumatic root shock of these women has been exploited by ethnic nationalists to make the case that Ireland should not meet its obligations towards other victims of root shock, namely international refugees. One strain of the ethnic nationalism mobilized here has repeatedly surfaced in hostility towards the Traveller community in Ireland. Indeed, as Till and McArdle lay out, state policy has denied these people access to their traditional stopping places, forcing upon them a settled life on marginal and underfunded estates. They too have seen their emotional ecosystem razed and they too suffer the physical and mental health consequences of a root shock. 
 
The final paper in the issue discusses Situation Analysis, the research method Fullilove and her team used when studying the long-term effects of urban renewal (Ramirez, Gonzalez, Hudson and Blanco). Fullilove has explained that she intended to include a methods statement in an appendix to Root Shock (personal communication). This paper does the work of that missing appendix. Situation Analysis is used to study the relationship between macro-political, social, and economic structures and micro-level events, processes, and decision-making. In Root Shock, the aim to describe how urban renewal, nested with well-established racist structures in the US, came to define the material and emotional lives of generations of poor and low-income Black communities. The connection registers in the loss of home, neighbours, and places. After explaining the three phases of situation analysis – Identifying ‘what happened’ and the people involved; Documenting a variety of perspectives; Setting the events and perspectives within an embedding context – the authors provide advice on working with a variety of data, including interviews and archival materials (Ramirez et al., 2024).
 
 
As we mark the twentieth anniversary of the publication of Root Shock, we might consider how its concepts, insights, and approach may evolve over the next two decades. While grateful for the book, we also lament the conditions that make it necessary. The evidence supporting Fullilove’s observation that, ‘displacement is the problem the twenty-first century must solve’ (Fullilove, 2004, p. 5) is now measured in the millions. This number seems set to grow exponentially in the decades to come as conflicts continue and climate change intensifies. 
 
According to the UNHCR (2023) in early 2022, the number of people forced to flee war, violence, and persecution worldwide surpassed 100 million for the first time. Over half of today’s international refugees come from just three countries: Syria (nearly 25 per cent of the total global refugee population), Afghanistan (one in every six refugees, over 6.1 million people), and Ukraine (5.8 million refugees) (Concern Worldwide, 2023). On average, 44,000 people leave their homes due to conflict and persecution every day (Concern Worldwide 2022).
 
The war in Gaza has, at time of writing, displaced 1.7 million people. Eighty per cent of the occupants of Gaza were considered refugees before the war. Now, internally displaced, they are refugees twice over. According to AJLabs (2024) approximately 35,000 Gazans have died so far in the conflict. Some 370,000 homes in Gaza, almost half of all homes in the region, have been damaged, and 79,000 have been destroyed. The United Nations Development Program and the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia estimate that it could take up to 80 years to rebuild what the Israeli military has destroyed (Patil, 2024).
 
Damian Carrington (2024), an environmental editor at the Guardian recently reported that multiple scientists who have contributed to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) believe that global warming will soon exceed the long-held 1.5°C target. They now anticipate temperatures to rise by 2.5–3°C. ‘Many of the scientists envisage a “semi-dystopian” future’, writes Carrington, ‘with famines, conflicts and mass migration, driven by heatwaves, wildfires, floods and storms of an intensity and frequency far beyond those that have already struck’.
Fullilove follows her proposition ‘that displacement is the problem the twenty-first century must solve’ with the following observations:
 
Africans and aborigines, rural peasants and city dwellers have been shunted from one place to another, as progress has demanded ‘Land here!’ or ‘People there!’ In cutting the roots of so many people, we have destroyed language, culture, dietary traditions, and social bonds. We have lined the oceans with bones, and filled the garbage dumps with bricks. What are we to do? (Fullilove, 2004, p. 5)
 
What are we to do indeed! Some may think they can kill their way forward or that higher walls and larger prisons will ease anxieties. Or, we might follow Fullilove’s advice and acknowledge our interconnectedness: ‘if your place is destroyed today, I will feel it hereafter’ (ibid., p. 17).
 

REFERENCES

  • AJLabs (2024) Israel-Gaza war in maps and charts: live tracker. Al Jazeera, published 9 October 2023 and updated 10 May 2024). Available at: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/longform/2023/10/9/israel-hamas-war-in-ma....
  • Bishop, M. (1995) Street by street, block by block: how urban renewal uprooted Black Roanoke. Roanoke Times, 29 January, pp. 1–12.
  • Bishop, M.B. (2024) Root Shock at twenty: reflections from Roanoke. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 226–232.
  • Broe, M. (2024) Displacement in place: root shock in the Pearse Street community, Dublin. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 327–336.
  • Carrington, D. (2024) World’s top climate scientists expect global heating to blast past 1.5C target. The Guardian, 8 May 2024. Available at: https://www.theguardian.com/environment/article/2024/may/08/world-scient....
  • Concern Worldwide (2022) The global refugee crisis, explained. Available at: https://concernusa.org/news/global-refugee-crisis-explained/.
  • Concern Worldwide (2023) The 10 largest refugee crises to know in 2024. Available at: https://concernusa.org/news/largest-refugee-crises/
  • Fullilove, M.T. (2001) Root shock: the consequences of African American dispossession. Journal of Urban Health: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 78(1), pp. 72–80. doi: 10.1093/jurban/78.1.72. PMID: 11368205; PMCID: PMC3456198.
  • Fullilove, M.T. (2004) Rootshock: How Tearing Up City Neighborhoods Hurt America and What We Can Do About It. New York: One World.
  • Fullilove, M.T. (2013) Urban Alchemy: Restoring Joy in America’s Sorted-Out Cities. New York: New Village Press.
  • Fullilove, M.T. (2020) Main Street: How a City’s Heart Connects Us All. New York: New Village Press.
  • Fullilove, M.T. and Wallace, R. (2011) Serial forced displacement in American cities, 1916–2010. Journal of Urban Health: Bulletin of the New York Academy of Medicine, 88(3), pp. 289–381. doi:10.1007/s11524-011-9585-2.
  • Fullilove, M.T., Howe. S., Kaufman, M.R., Mouldon, D., Weted, C., Silva, K., Murdock, A., El Amin, S. and Hyra, D. (2024) ‘We couldn’t get the big win’: a situation analysis of the stress of gentrification at differing points in the process. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 241–255.
  • Gavin, T. and O’Callaghan, C. (2024) Resisting root shock in the collapsed city: constructing community and the fight to stay put through tenant organizing in Dublin. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 360–372.
  • Holland, D., Baltimore, T. and Hallen, P. (2024) Root Shock at Twenty: Reflections from Pittsburgh. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 233–240.
  • Kaufman, M.R., Farrand, D. and Fullilove M.T. (2023) Root Shock 20. Docomomo US. Available at: https://www.docomomo-us.org/news/root-shock-20.
  • Kearns, G, (2024) Root shock and postcolonial trauma in Ireland. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 307–326.
  • McDonald, N. (2024) Root shock as social discipline: marginalization and racism in Irish social, asylum, and refugee policies. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 349–359.
  • Patil, A. (2024) A U.N report says rebuilding all the homes destroyed in Gaza could take 80 years. The New York Times, 2 May. Available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/02/world/middleeast/gaza-homes-rebuild-u....
  • Perry, S.A. and Danley, S. (2024) A year to go home: a story of fighting deep disinvestment. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 285–295.
  • Ramirez, J.S., Gonzalez, K.D., Hudson, T. and Blanco, W. (2024) Root shock’s missing appendix: using situation analysis for critical policy studies and beyond. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 373–384.
  • State Advisory Committees (1961) The 50 States Report. Washington, DC: US Commission on Human Rights. Available at: https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_50_States_Report_Submitted_to_t....
  • Taylor, L.-M.C., Whitfield, P.C., Rogers, K. and Sember, R. (2024) Carceral displacement: the root shock of mass criminalization. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 272–284.
  • Till, K.E. and McCardle, R. (2024) From ‘route shock’ towards spatial justice: mapping travellers’ storied places and mazeways. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 337–348.
  • UNHCR (2023) 2023: A Moment of Truth for Global Displacement. United Nations High Commission for Refugees. Available at: https://www.unhcr.org/spotlight/2023/01/2023-a-moment-of-truth-for-globa....
  • Versey, H.S., Reyes, L. and Yeh, J. (2024) From root shock to urban alchemy: the (re)making of urban space through the lens of black older women. Built Environment, 50(2), pp. 296–306.
  • Wallace, D. and Wallace, R. (2024) The New York City real estate industry and voter suppression. Built Environment, 50(2), pp.256–271.

 

Displacement, Eviction, Community disruption, Demolition, Urban renewal, Gentrication, African American communities, Traveller communities

Root Shock Twenty Years On: Displacement – Its Harms and Remedies

About this issue

Issue number

Summary

This special issue marks the twentieth anniversary of the publication of Mindy Fullilove’s Root Shock. The papers here attest to the impact of her work, elaborate on her concept of ‘root shock’, and contribute analyses that affirm the book’s core paradigm linking human life and wellbeing to the qualities of urban environments. While disruption and community displacement affect the whole world, the issue focuses on historic and contemporary situations in Ireland and the United States with their shared history of forced displacement being used to control land and populations.

Robert Sember
31 May 2024

 

Olympics, Paralympics, Olympic villages, sustainability, Urban regeneration, Security, Tourism

Olympic Cities: City Agendas, Planning, and the World’s Games, 1896–2032

John R. Gold and Margaret M. Gold
19 Mar 2024

The first edition of Olympic Cities, published in 2007, provided a pioneering overview of the changing relationship between cities and the modern Olympic Games. This substantially revised and much enlarged fourth edition builds on the success of its predecessors. The first of its three parts provides overviews of the urban legacy of the four component Olympic festivals: the Summer Games; Winter Games; Cultural Olympiads; and the Paralympics. The second part comprises systematic surveys of six key aspects of activity involved in staging the Olympics and Paralympics: finance; sustainability; the creation of Olympic Villages; security; urban regeneration; and tourism. The final part consists of ten chronologically arranged portraits of host cities from 1960 to 2032, with complete coverage of the Summer Games of the twenty-first century.

 
As controversy over the growing size and expense of the Olympics, with associated issues of democratic accountability and legacy, continues unabated, this book’s incisive and timely assessment of the Games’ development and the complex agendas that host cities attach to the event will be essential reading for a wide audience. This will include not just urban and sports historians, urban geographers, event managers, and city planners, but also anyone with an interest in the staging of mega-events and concerned with building a better understanding of the relationship between cities, sport, and culture.
 
 
John R. Gold is Honorary Senior Research Fellow at University College London and Professor Emeritus at Oxford Brookes University.
 
Margaret M. Gold is Senior Lecturer in Creative Industries at London Metropolitan University, and Associate Lecturer at Goldsmiths, University of London.
 

Contents

  1. Introduction
    John R. Gold and Margaret M. Gold 

Part I The Olympic Festivals

  1. The Summer Olympics, 1896–2020
    John R. Gold and Margaret M. Gold
  2. The Winter Olympics, 1924–2022
    Stephen Essex
  3. The Cultural Olympiads
    Beatriz García
  4. The Paralympics
    John R. Gold and Margaret M. Gold

Part 2 Planning and Management

  1. Financing the Games
    Holger Preuss
  2. Olympic Sustainability
    John R. Gold and Margaret M. Gold
  3. Olympic Villages
    Tony Sainsbury
  4. Security
    Jon Coaffee and Pete Fussey
  5. Urban Regeneration
    Andrew Smith
  6. Olympic Tourism
    Mike Weed

Part 3 City Portraits

  1. Rome 1960
    Giuseppe Telesca
  2. Sydney 2000
    Robert Freestone
  3. Athens 2004
    Margaret M. Gold
  4. Beijing 2008
    Ian G. Cook, Stephen Miles and Giorgos Chatzinakos
  5. London 2012
    Graeme Evans and Özlem Edizel
  6. Rio de Janeiro 2016
    Gabriel Silvestre 
  7. Tokyo 2020
    Yasushi Aoyama
  8. Paris 2024
    Cécile Doustaly
  9. Los Angeles 2028
    Sven Daniel Wolfe and Cerianne Robertson
  10. Brisbane 2032
    ​Aysin Dedekorkut-Howes

 

Neighbourhood, Social cohesion, Networking, Diversity, sustainability, governance, Planning and Design

Meet the Editor

About this issue

Issue number
Volume 50 – Number 1

Summary

For the contributors to this issue ‘neighbourhood’ is a place or area where people live and share infrastructure and amenities, it is not necessarily synonymous with ‘community’. While different backgrounds and geographical locations, their answer to the question ‘Do Neighbourhoods Matter?’ is a resounding ‘yes’ and agree there is need for an updated design and policy framework to guide the present and future of neighbourhoods.

Tali Hatuka, an architect and urban planner, is the Head of the Laboratory of Contemporary Urban Design, in the Department of Geography and Human Environment at Tel Aviv University. She works primarily on planning and urban design issues, focusing on the relationships between urban development, city design and conflicts in contemporary cities.

Neighbourhood, Social cohesion, Networking, Diversity, sustainability, governance, Planning and Design

Neighbourhoods: Do They Still Matter?

About this issue

Issue number

Summary

For the contributors to this issue ‘neighbourhood’ is a place or area where people live and share infrastructure and amenities; it is not necessarily synonymous with ‘community’.

 

In its simplest sense, a neighbourhood refers to people living near or within a specific range, sharing infrastructure and amenities. This does not imply that, but rather, communities in the plural may be found in a neighbourhood. This straightforward, yet loose, approach is the lens through which we examine neighbourhoods in this issue. It allows us to do two things. First, to expand the neighbourhood category and include the planned neighbourhoods and unplanned informal settlements, and thus enlarge the places discussed beyond the Western context. Second, it helps us to bypass the conceptual question of what a neighbourhood is to the normative questions: Do neighbourhoods matter? And if so, in what way, and for whom? Also facing the future, what is needed to make them more meaningful to us? In that sense, the issue is engaged more in what the neighbourhood is doing for us, people residing in cities worldwide, rather than addressing it as a unit of analysis or representation of social-spatial processes. It looks at the present but aims to draw possible future paths to our daily places of living.

Contents:

  • Neighbourhoods: Do They Still Matter? On Our Agency and (Possible) Future Paths
    TALI HATUKA
  • Normative Neighbourhoods
    EMILY TALEN
  • Neighbourhoods still Matter because Housing Market Actors Believe They Matter
    GEORGE C. GALSTER
  • The Agency of Socially Mixed Neighbourhoods: Insights from the Historic Centre of Naples
    CRISTINA MATTIUCCI
  • Rethinking Enclosed Neighbourhoods: Vital Infrastructure for Design Innovation, Civic Engagement, and Biopower in Urban China
    COLLEEN CHIU-SHEE
  • Neighbourhoods and Social Cohesion: Why Neighbourhoods Still Matter
    SEBASTIAN KURTENBACH
  • The Concept of the ‘Neighbourhood’ in Crime and Place Theory and Its Influence on Police Strategy
    HADAS ZUR
  • The Medium is the Messenger: A Quantitative Study on the Relation between Social Media Services and Neighbourhood Social Interactions
    JAN ÜBLACKER, SIMON LIEBIG, and HAWZHEEN HAMAD
  • How Learning from Informal Settlements contributes to the Community Resilience of Neighbourhoods
    JOTA SAMPER
  • Can Neighbourhoods Save the Smart City?
    ALESSANDRO AURIGI
  • The Neighbourhood–Health Nexus: Design, Behaviour and Futures
    AMITAI BLOOM, GAL ELHANAN and TALI HATUKA
  • A Neighbourhood Unit for Equitable Resilience
    ZACHARY LAMB and LAWRENCE J. VALE
  • Publication Review
Neighbourhood, Social cohesion, Networking, Diversity, sustainability, governance, Planning and Design

Neighbourhoods: Do They Still Matter?

About this issue

Issue number
Volume 50 – Number 1

Summary

In its simplest sense, a neighbourhood refers to people living near a particular place or within a specific range, sharing infrastructure and amenities. This does not imply that neighbourhoods are synonymous with communities, but rather, communities in the plural may be found in a neighbourhood. This straightforward, yet loose, approach is the lens through which we examine neighbourhoods in this issue. It allows us to do two things. First, to expand the neighbourhood category and include the planned neighbourhoods and unplanned informal settlements, and thus enlarge the places discussed beyond the Western context. Second, it helps us to bypass the conceptual question of what a neighbourhood is to the normative questions: Do neighbourhoods matter? And if so, in what way, and for whom? Also facing the future, what is needed to make them more meaningful to us? In that sense, the issue is engaged more in what the neighbourhood is doing for us, people residing in cities worldwide, rather than addressing it as a unit of analysis or representation of social-spatial processes. It looks at the present but aims to draw possible future paths to our daily places of living.

These aims may seem anachronistic to some scholars. Focusing on the scale of the neighbourhood is not evident in the globalized digital age, which is often characterized by enhanced urban densification and growth. In the contemporary era, regions, cities, and neighbourhoods are often viewed as networks of economic, social, and political power (Hall, 2009; Healey, 2006; Turok, 2009). This approach, enhanced by the digital revolution and the ongoing processes of globalization, challenged the traditional hierarchy of spatial categories. Scholars argue that ‘research needs to break away from the “tyranny” of neighbourhood and consider alternative ways to measure the wider socio-spatial context of people, placing individuals at the centre of the approach’ (Petrović et al., 2020, p. 1103). Advocates of his perspective often adopt a relational approach that perceives places from a ‘non-Euclidean perspective where place boundaries are fluid, and distances are relative’ (Vallée et al., 2020, p. 1). Furthermore, the neighbourhood scale from this point of view may be a trap in analytic research and might lead to ‘inaccurate estimations of the number and types of resources people may have access to in their neighbourhood, and of the magnitude of the social gradient in resource accessibility, what has been called the “constant size neighbourhood trap”’ (Vallée et al., 2015; Vallée et al., 2020, p. 2). As a solution, what many contemporary studies suggest is to ‘have the cake and eat it’: that is to expand the conceptual and theoretical approaches that address neighbourhood, by recognizing a paradoxical pattern in which the formation of regional networks reinforces the dispersion of urban-regional activities while also fostering their concentration in specific locales (Albrechts and Mandelbaum, 2007). This dual approach, that suggests addressing neighbourhood locality but viewing it as part of the wider network, raises theoretical challenges and is part of a heated ongoing debate in urban studies since the 1990s.

However, during the last decade, with the arrival of new digital platforms in our daily lives, new questions have been raised. Scholars start assessing the way digital platforms alter and/or support social cohesion, health, resilience, and infrastructure. Paradoxically, although digitization was expected to affect distance and thus diminish the role of geography and neighbourhoods, the latter are viewed as having an increasing role in our life. This perception and academic interest were enhanced during COVID-19 during which the role of the locale in supporting people was clearly evident. Numerous studies have shown that neighbourhoods affect individuals’ subjective wellbeing, and neighbours are an important source of everyday help and support, even more so in times of crisis (Zangger, 2023). Other studies showed ‘how characteristics of social and built environments affect relationships between disaster experiences and perceptions of risk, mental health symptoms, and food or financial insecurities’ (Finucane et al., 2022, p. 10). Neighbourhoods, again, became a category that raised intellectual interest.

But what do we know about the daily life of contemporary neighbourhoods? The growing role of digitization processes in our lives, and their role in expanding the geographical boundaries of our daily activities, has dramatically changed our daily conduct. We shop, socially engage, and manage using digital platforms; at the same time, we also constantly engage in marking the boundaries between the members we view as our daily community and the rest. Each of us lives in this local–global environment; the local, perceived as concrete and bounded, and the global, conceived as abstract and boundless. Most of us enjoy this duality of bounded locality and boundless globalism without thinking about this contradiction much. We live it!

My argument in this issue is that within this duality localism precedes globalism, in times of peace and even more so in times of crisis. The local–global implies that the concrete is close and comprehensible. It is immediate. This results, in the past and continuing today, in multiple efforts and resources to protect the neighbourhood as a significant locale in a boundless global world. Multiple and varied actors are constantly engaging in defining the neighbourhood and using their definitions to design new frameworks of action from below and from above. With the top-down actors, we can name policymakers, urban planners, or even the police. Their motivation for supporting the existence of the neighbourhood unit is the ability to manage its growth and maintain order in the city. With the bottom-up actors, we can find the residents, community leaders, activists, and real-estate developers. Their motivation varies and includes social and cultural ideas or economic incentives.

Do Neighbourhoods Still Matter?

The direct response to the question posed in this issue, Neighbourhoods: do they still matter? is yes. It matters to many who maintain it as a meaningful construct to which they refer in multiple ways. But like many constructs, it is dynamic. So, even if we agree it is still relevant, we can ask what does the neighbourhood mean for us today? Where are we heading? What are the neighbourhoods of tomorrow? These are normative questions rather than analytical ones, and this collection is trying to address this from multiple and varied perspectives.

The issue opens with the paper ‘Normative Neighbourhoods’ by Emily Talen who offers a normative definition of what a neighbourhood should be. For Talen, a neighbourhood has identity, ‘a place that functions as its centre, everyday facilities and services, internal and external connectivity, social diversity within it or an openness to its enabling, and a means by which residents can be involved in its affairs and speak with a collective voice’ (Talen, 2024). Talen explains why we should pursue the normative approach to neighbourhoods and suggests that place, instead of the sociological categories of class or race, offers opportunities for forming alternative collective identities. Talen calls for not sentimentalizing neighbourhood life but instead ‘working towards a more explicit sense of what and where neighbourhoods are’. Viewing the neighbourhood as a normative construct reminds us that neighbourhoods depend on us, the people that act within the neighbourhoods and upon our agency, and thus neighbourhoods are elastic in time and space.

The rest of the papers are organized in two groups. The first group address the varied actors who influence the neighbourhood’s character and social dynamics, tracking why and how they act within neighbourhoods. In the second, we focus on neighbourhoods’ futures and on the big question: Where are we heading? We are offered some paths – sustainability, community, health, and resilience – to address the wellbeing of residents. Yet, there is much to be done to integrate these ideas into a meaningful framework that would support designers and urban planners in their interventions in existing and new neighbourhoods.

Agency and Its Role Shaping Neighbourhoods

Early twenty-first century residents are not passive actors who automatically follow top-down abstract frameworks that dictate their life paths. Without idealizing the role or power of the resident, it is clear that through our actions we shape our daily life and thus, our neighbourhoods. It is in the scale of the neighbourhood, that people can use ‘tactics for their own ends, without any illusions as to their ultimate practical effects. Where dominating powers exploit the order of things, where ideological dis course represses or ignores it, tactics fool this order and make it the field of their art’ (De Certeau et al., 1980, p. 4). Yet, as Michel De Certeau (1984) explained in his influential book The Practice of Everyday Life institutional actors and people are not necessarily in opposition to one another but form a complex entangled set of actions and strategies.

The paper ‘Neighbourhoods still Matter Because Housing Market Actors believe that They Matter’ by George C. Galster addresses the question of agency from various positions. Galster (2024) is doing two things in his paper. First, he reminds us that the urban neighbourhood is part of a larger economic market and with different market actors – households, owners, developers, and agents, brokers – taking decisions and influencing one another and neighbourhoods. Second, he argues that all these actors believe that the local area in which they live, own property, or try to sell property influences our wellbeing for a number of social, psychological and/or economic reasons. Galster suggests that these beliefs influence our behaviour. Thus, he reaches the conclusion that ‘neighbourhood is important because the household and property owner/ developer decisionmakers who drive these outcomes in market-dominated economies and the agents that serve and inform them believe and act as if it were important’. So, as long as these beliefs guide us (and he does not recognize a paradigm shift in the horizon), neighbourhoods will still be an important aggregate in the metropolitan city.

A more socio-spatial approach to the active role of different actors in shaping the neighbourhood is presented in the papers by Cristina Mattiucci ‘The Agency of Socially- Mixed Neighbourhoods. Insights from the Historic Centre of Naples’ and by Colleen Chiu-Shee, ‘Rethinking Enclosed Neighbourhoods: Vital Infrastructure for Design Innovation, Civic Engagement, and Biopower in Urban China’. These two related papers, from different cultural and political contexts, engage with the role of policy in shaping neighbourhoods. They both teach us about the agency and the extent to which the will of residents and the will of social and political powers are entangled and are always context specific. Copy and paste policies are impossible as the meaning and practices in neighbourhoods differ significantly.

Mattiucci’s paper focuses on the city of Naples and explains how the concept of neighbourhood is continuously ‘negotiated and redefined through everyday practices of urban interactions’ (Mattiucci, 2024). She explains how social diversity shapes the housing situations and economic activities that take place in the central neighbourhoods in the city. In her paper she tells us about the policy initiative of the city council to build a socially inclusive block of flats to keep the heterogeneity of residents in the city centre. She illuminates the coexistence of various inhabitants, social networks and spatial relationships and the way together they represent a unique concept of neighbourhood. This policy, that might fail in other places, ‘plays a crucial role in breaking down communication and resource barriers in urban spaces, and in reducing the inequalities between social groups, that are otherwise isolated in homogeneous areas of the city’.

In China, ‘Capitalist processes of urbanization and privatization have produced a growing number of enclosed neighbourhoods across the world. Critical scholarship often frames these neighbourhoods as products of an overextended neoliberalism and symbols of the fragmentation, segregation, and hierarchization of both space and society’ (Chiu-Shee, 2024). Yet, as Chiu-Shee explains, culture plays a role in the formation of these neighbourhoods’ realities, as she writes ‘enclosed neighbourhoods have been, and will remain, the everyday environments that shape citizens’ behaviours, values, and social relations. They have also served, and will continue to serve, as the vital infrastructure that enables both civic engagement overextended neoliberalism and symbols of the fragmentation, segregation, and hierarchization of both space and society’ (Chiu-Shee, 2024). Yet, as Chiu-Shee explains, culture plays a role in the formation of these neighbourhoods’ realities, as she writes ‘enclosed neighbourhoods have been, and will remain, the everyday environments that shape citizens’ behaviours, values, and social relations. They have also served, and will continue to serve, as the vital infrastructure that enables both civic engagement and biopolitical control – an irony that remains to be resolved’. Here again, the idea of enclosed neighbourhoods, that is often discussed in a pejorative way, in China plays vital roles in (re)shaping everyday environments, driving economic restructuring, transforming governance systems, and facilitating normative transformations in China.

Either way, one of the issues raised in these two papers is the extent to which policies influence neighbours’ dynamic and relations. This is the theme of the paper ‘Neighbourhoods and Social Cohesion: Why Neighbourhoods Still Matter’, by Sebastian Kurtenbach. He analyses the connection between neighbourly relations and social cohesion and the way this affects participation and the involvement of the residents in the locale. Based on a qualitative study in two urban districts in Germany, both characterized by high levels of social segregation and cultural diversity but differ in terms of local social service organizations and urban development, he shows that ‘there is a close connection between residents’ perceptions of social cohesion and inclination for social participation in the neighbourhood. Local social service organizations and associations can play a critical role in facilitating the social encounters that create such perceptions’ (Kurtenbach, 2024). The results support the idea that policy matters, and in contemporary times local neighbourhood initiatives and the development of meeting and community places, can contribute significantly to neighbourhoods’ relations and their active involvement in the process of shaping the neighbourhood.

It is not only policymakers, residents, and market-actors who are active in the neighbourhoods but also the powers of force. In any city, there are neighbourhoods where these powers are more active and visible than in others. In her paper ‘The Concept of the “Neighbourhood” in Crime and Place Theory and Its Influence on Police Strategy’, Hadas Zur reviews the way theories of crime and place conceptualized the idea of the neighbourhood over the last decades. Using the case of a neighbourhood in Tel Aviv she shows how the diversity of approaches increases the range and areas of police intervention in the neighbourhood and empowers their control and effect on place. This process ‘indicates the dominance of physical and micro-geographical approaches over sociological approaches’ (Zur, 2024). Yet she argues that although the neighbourhood still matters and plays a ‘significant reference point in police work’ it has many shortcomings, and she offers some paths for rethinking the dynamic of crime in neighbourhoods.

This set of papers on the actors in the neighbourhoods ends with the paper ‘The Medium is the Messenger: A Quantitative Study on the Relation between Social Media Services and Neighbourhood Social Interactions’ by Jan Üblacker, Simon Liebig, and Hawzheen Hamad. The paper brings back the tension raised in this editorial between the boundless digital world and local concrete daily life in the neighbourhood. More specifically, the paper engages with the role of internet-based social networking services (ISNS) (e.g. Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter/X) in neighbourhoods. It starts by presenting the debate between scholars who ‘argue that ISNS diminish the significance of local physical place and hinder meaningful interactions, especially among neighbours’, to the scholars that view ‘ISNS as tools that foster new forms of connectedness and enhance relationships within neighbourhoods by creating opportunities to engage with existing peers’ (Üblacker et al., 2024). In a study conducted in two German cities (Essen and Cologne) they show that this debate is not black or white. ‘Messenger services and neighbourhood-specific social networks have a positive impact on social interactions within the neighbourhood. However, popular social media platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter do not significantly affect social interactions within the neighbourhood’ (ibid.). In short, they show that neighbourhoods continue to play a crucial role in our social fabric, with messenger services enhancing the convenience of maintaining these local connections. Yet, ‘the prerequisites for engaging in the contemporary landscape of neighbourhood interaction’ are not equal and should be viewed in the context of digital divides and difference.

(Possible) Future Neighbourhood Paths

This set of papers links global questions and challenges with the neighbourhood scale. Sustainability, health, digitization, and equitable resilience are all big themes that have been addressed on multiple scales. These papers argue that we might gain a lot by addressing them at the local scale. If successful, we might be able also to create some paths to the scale of the city, or the region. What the following papers are trying to do is to use existing studies and findings in order to develop conceptual frameworks to deal with big themes at the neighbourhood level.

In his paper addressing the question of sustainability and power of the community, ‘How Learning from Informal Settlements Contributes to the Community Resilience of Neighbourhoods’ Jota Samper suggests that in times of an uncertain future plagued by the challenges imposed by climate change, political polarization, and urban conflict, we might want to learn from the informal settlements. He offers ‘three important lessons that can be gleaned from informal settlements: incrementality, sustainability, and self-reliance. These characteristics contribute to the resilience of the communities, making informal settlements the predominant neighbourhoods of the twenty-first century’ (Samper, 2024). Samper does not romanticize informal dwellers’ challenges, but points to the way they establish and build their community resilience. ‘These places serve as the bedrock of community existence and are a wellspring of innovation in the face of scarcity.’ With the presence of informal settlements worldwide, Samper suggests that excluding marginalized groups from participation in decision-making would mean that the only space for meaningful citizen action would be outside legal frameworks and institutions.

Sustainability is also a goal that many technological companies put as a primary aim. The use of the term ‘smart cities’ became common in the first decade of the twenty-first century, especially against the backdrop of digitization in contemporary daily life. However, there is no consensus on the meaning of the term, despite its importance and its contribution to urban development. If we do not know much about smartness and cities, we know even less about digitization processes in the neighbourhoods. In the paper, ‘Can Neighbourhoods Save the Smart City?’ Alessandro Aurigi suggests that we need to shift our focus from the smart city to the local scale. His paper makes a case for the ‘smart neighbourhood not as a plain, pre-determined, functional sub-unit of a centrally controlled and automated smart metropolis, but as a radically divergent – yet necessarily complementary – dimension of it (Aurigi, 2024). Aurigi emphasizes ‘the importance of recombining space, community and technology at the local scale, and discusses how the point is not opposing the smart neighbourhood to the smart city through a simplistic bottom-up vs top-down dualist vision, but rather reflecting on how these dimensions should work together’. For Aurigi design and development strategies should enable local innovation and experimentation, envisioning a grounded, sustainable, and effective smart city.

Digitization also affects contemporary health services: 1. the decentralization of health services from hospitals to the community, which includes outpatient clinics, day hospitals, emergency medicine, information and communication technologies (ICTs); 2. the digitization of health and new health monitoring tools increase interest in the neighbourhood scale. In the paper ‘The Neighbourhood–Health Nexus: Design, Behaviour and Futures’, Tali Hatuka, Gal Elhanan and Amitai Bloom, argue that while the medical arguments for policies that support health are maturing, the socio-spatial strategies in urban planning for supporting health in neighbourhoods remain embryonic. What neighbourhood design supports health? What is the reciprocal influence of health-related behaviour and urban design? Responding to these questions they address two bodies of related literature: studies that focus on neighbourhood design and its influence on health, and studies that focus on residents’ health-related behaviour. The links between these two bodies serve as a basis to develop a set of guidelines for future and existing neighbourhoods (Hatukaet al., 2024).

The issue ends with the paper ‘A Neighbourhood Unit for Equitable Resilience’ by Zachary Lamb and Lawrence J. Vale who ask ‘how this influential and controversial concept [of the neighbourhood] might be adapted to address today’s most vexing urban challenges: climate change hazards and widening inequality’ (Lamb and Vale, 2024). Drawing on a diverse array of global case studies, they argue ‘that the neighbourhood can be a unit for “equitable resilience”, but only if we reconceptualize neighbourhoods in significant ways’. It needs to be more socially and culturally inclusive, to be better linked to analysis and action on wider spatial and political scales, and it must link built environment changes to institutional changes that improve conditions in the domains of livelihoods, environmental safety, governance, and security from displacement. They call on us to see the ‘neighbourhood unit for equitable resilience as a meso-scale socio-spatial unit through which disadvantaged people are empowered to link separate interventions in the built environment together and tie local institutional changes to broader scale initiatives to achieve lasting improvements in their livelihoods, environmental, governance, and security conditions’.

These four papers, although focusing on different themes sustainability, digitization, health and equitable resilience are linked. The future of neighbourhoods will be affected by the way scholars will be able to integrate them into a holistic framework, while remembering the role, will and power of residents in activating it, as illustrated by the first set of papers. To be sure, the neighbourhood scale is complex, but at the same time manageable and complete. It can help us to understand and tackle global questions, while also seeing the people. As Aurigi argues, ‘When operating in and through neighbourhoods it becomes somehow impossible to divorce from the immediate social and physical contexts’ (Aurigi, 2024). Cities and neighbourhoods are not data collection units or units of analysis within wider models – they are living places. It is time for developing an updated design and policy framework that would guide us in supporting the present and future normative neighbourhoods.

REFERENCES

  • Albrechts, L. and Mandelbaum, S. (2007) The Network Society: A New Context for Planning. London: Routledge.
  • Aurigi, A. (2024) Can neighbourhoods save the smart city? Built Environment, 50(1), pp. 152–167.
  • Chiu-Shee, C. (2024) Rethinking enclosed neighbourhoods: vital infrastructure for design innovation, civic engagement, and biopower in urban China. Built Environment, 50(1), pp. 54–72.
  • De Certeau, M. (1984) The Practice of Everyday Life. Berkeley. CA: University of California Press.
  • De Certeau, M., Jameson, F. and Lovitt, C. (1980) On the oppositional practices of everyday life. Social Text, No. 3 (Autumn), pp. 3–43. https:// doi.org/10.2307/466341.
  • Finucane, M.L., Beckman, R., Ghosh-Dastidar, M., Dubowitz, T., Collins, R.L. and Troxel, W. (2022) Do social isolation and neighborhood walkability influence relationships between COVID-19 experiences and wellbeing in predominantly Black urban areas? Landscape and Urban Planning, 217, 104264. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.land urbplan.2021.104264.
  • Galster, G.C. (2024) Neighbourhoods and social cohesion: why neighbourhoods still matter. Built Environment, 50(1), pp. 25–41.
  • Hall, P. (2009) Looking backward, looking forward: the city region of the mid-21st century. Regional Studies, 43(6), pp. 803–817. https://doi. org/10.1080/00343400903039673.
  • Hatuka, T., Elhanan, G. and Bloom, A. (2024) The neighbourhood–health nexus: design, behaviour and futures. 50(1), pp. 168–184.
  • Healey, P. (2006) Urban Complexity and Spatial Strategies: Towards a Relational Planning for Our Times. London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203 099414.
  • Kurtenbach, S. (2024) Neighbourhoods and social cohesion: why neighbourhoods still matter. Built Environment, 50(1), pp. 73–94.
  • Lamb Z. and Vale, L.J. (2024) A neighbourhood unit for equitable resilience. Built Environment, 50(1), pp. 185–210.
  • Mattiucci, C. (2024) The agency of socially mixed neighbourhoods: insights from the historic centre of Naples. Built Environment, 50(1), pp. 42–53.
  • Petrović, A., Manley, D. and Van Ham, M. (2020) Freedom from the tyranny of neighbourhood: rethinking sociospatial context effects. Progress in Human Geography, 44(6), pp. 1103–1123. https://doi.org/10.1177/0309132519868767.
  • Samper, J. (2024) How learning from informal settlements contributes to the community resilience of neighbourhoods. Built Environment, 50(1), pp. 133–151.
  • Talen, E. (2024) Normative neighbourhoods. Built Environment, 50(1), pp. 13–24.
  • Turok, I. (2009) Limits to the mega-city region: conflicting local and regional needs. Regional Studies, 43(6), pp. 845–862. https://doi.org/10.10 80/00343400903095261.
  • Üblacker, J., Liebig, S. and Hamad, H. (2024) The medium is the messenger: a quantitative study on the relation between social media services and neighbourhood social interactions. Built Environment, 50(1), pp. 114–132.
  • Vallée, J., Le Roux, G., Chaix, B., Kestens, Y. and Chauvin, P. (2015) The ‘constant size neighbourhood trap’ in accessibility and health studies. Urban Studies, 52(2), pp. 338–357. https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098014528393
  • Vallée, J., Shareck, M., Le Roux, G., Kestens, Y. and Frohlich, K.L. (2020) Is accessibility in the eye of the beholder? Social inequalities in spatial accessibility to health-related resources in Montréal, Canada. Social Science & Medicine, 245, 112702. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socsci med.2019.112702.
  • Zangger, C. (2023) Localized social capital in action: how neighborhood relations buffered the negative impact of COVID-19 on subjective well being and trust. SSM – Population Health, 21, 101307. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ssmph.2022.101307.

 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Although I am listed as a guest editor of the issue, editing is teamwork. Behind the scenes enjoyed the generous support of Professor Lawrence Vale, and Professor David Banister who helped me reach out to the important and diverse voices presented in this issue. I also gained a lot of support from Ann Rudkin and wish to thank her for the meticulous editing of the papers in this issue. Finally, I thank the writers for their contributions to this interesting collection of papers, which travels around the world, helped me to look differently at the unit of the neighbourhood in the city, at the role of planning and policy; it is but another step in the search for the meaning and function of neighbourhoods in our lives.

 

 

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